Fighting fake news in Africa: education or an instrument of control?

Who decides what is true in the age of disinformation

As artificial intelligence makes it easier to fake images, voices and videos, more and more countries are trying to teach their populations to recognize fake news — especially ahead of elections. Deutsche Welle asks the question: are these awareness-raising efforts genuine, or are some governments using the 'fight against fakes' to control public opinion and silence dissent? Daniel Madrid-Morales, a journalism lecturer at the University of Sheffield, told DW that 'very few countries — if any at all — are really doing well' in dealing with the impact of fake news.

Civil society fills the gaps

According to Madrid-Morales, a number of African countries have civil society initiatives: in South Africa, the organizations Africa Check and Media Monitoring Africa jointly cover the impact of fakes on elections, and similar coalitions exist in the DR Congo and Senegal. However, the outlet notes, these projects are mostly focused on the election period, while at other times they lack funding and sustained work. In Ghana, the NGO Penplusbytes, with support from GIZ and DW Akademie, is running the project 'Caravan of Hope': a mobile campaign brings media literacy training to rural communities through theater, role-playing games, public discussions and videos in local languages, reaching 3,000 people in five districts. Project coordinator Rebecca Awusu emphasized: 'Information must be verified before people believe it or pass it on. This is especially important for those who have no smartphones or limited formal education.' In South Africa, Africa Check visits schools and teaches how to recognize manipulated images and verify sources. But media literacy has a downside too: according to Madrid-Morales, research in South Africa has shown that while some young people become more discerning, others lose trust in almost all sources.

When governments become part of the problem

Madrid-Morales identifies three types of disinformation: fraudulent schemes that governments fail to combat adequately; foreign influence operations from outside the country and the continent; and domestic political campaigns aimed at distorting objective views. 'Governments are especially interested in the third category,' he noted, adding that this is particularly widespread in the Sahel region: in Burkina Faso and Mali, military governments have shut down media outlets, persecuted journalists and expelled foreign correspondents. In his view, the juntas are primarily seeking to prevent the spread of negative information about themselves. In Nigeria, in 2026, the International Institute for Media and Information Literacy (IMILI) opened in Abuja under the auspices of UNESCO — after the government announced its intention to play a leading role in Africa in the fight against fakes; however, human rights groups argue that the state often conflates combating disinformation with suppressing dissent. In Kenya, the Media Council is supposed to support journalists and develop fact-checking, but its powers are limited by false information laws which, it is noted, can be used against critics of the authorities. Olga Massango, vice-president of the Mozambican media institute MISA, stated: 'When something becomes inconvenient, the government... appeals to the public interest, but in the end it often protects only what benefits it,' warning that 'the fight against disinformation must not mean the criminalization of opinions, criticism or journalistic work.'

European models without guarantees

More and more African countries are turning to Europe for mechanisms to fight fake news: in Morocco and Senegal, draft laws on disinformation are widely inspired by EU standards. Madrid-Morales emphasizes that following strong EU legislation can bring success, but independent oversight and enforcement mechanisms are needed — in both countries they have not yet been created, even though both have repeatedly faced political instability linked to fake news. Rebecca Awusu expressed concern that the laws may leave loopholes for governments: 'We do not want laws created to fight disinformation to become a tool for silencing those who question government decisions or express legitimate opinions.' Separately, Afrobarometer examined perceptions of foreign powers: more than 60% of respondents rated China's political and economic influence positively, 52% rated the US positively, while in French-speaking countries only 34% rated France's influence positively. Afrobarometer representative Komi Amewonu told DW that such attitudes are not necessarily the result of targeted propaganda campaigns, but rather a consequence of African governments allowing negative perceptions to run their course.